Viktor Orban, a Real Leader, Against Senile Globo Commo Joe By Richard Miller (London)
Tucker Carlson has done a great interview with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who with his clear-headed common sense on issues where the rest of the West is lacking, such as border control and the Covid plandemic. The interview refutes totally the notion pushed by the mainstream media that Orban is some sort of extremist. Instead, it is the Western New Class who are the extremists, and so anyone opposing their madness will look “different,” which is the old traditionalist normal.
Tucker concludes by asking why America cannot be more like Hungary? A good question, but the answer is obvious when you consider that the globo commo power seek to destroy America, then work their way down the list. Australia is on it too, as you guys must realise by now. Here in the UK, we are going right through it, in an advanced state of anarcho-tyranny.
https://www.foxnews.com/media/hungary-viktor-orban-tucker-carlson-western-liberals
“Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, a prominent right-wing voice in Central Europe, fired back at U.S. President Joe Biden for his remark on the campaign trail that grouped the leader in with autocratic strongmen like Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko and North Korea's Kim Jong Un.
During a town hall in 2020, Biden accused then-President Donald Trump of palling around with "all the thugs in the world":
"You see what’s happening from Belarus through Poland and Hungary and the rise of totalitarian regimes in the world", Biden said at the time. "Our current president supports all the thugs in the world."
Biden's 2020 opponent, Trump, was notably close with Orban – as the left-leaning Brookings Institution claimed that the then-president's hosting of Poland's Andrzej Duda was essentially helping him in his reelection bid against a left-leaning Warsaw mayor.
Orban – speaking with "Tucker Carlson Tonight" on Thursday -- was the first European leader to endorse Trump's reelection bid, while Trump lauded Orban's border security and counterterrorism policies, as well as endeavors to "protect and help Christian communities" throughout the world.
The Hungarian prime minister told Carlson that Biden has "limited knowledge" of his country, and therefore cannot understand the issues at hand when he makes such remarks.
"Somebody who does not speak our language has a very limited knowledge on Hungary, even in the recent several decades of our life, not understanding of obviously having an opinion like that," he said. "You know, it's by itself, it's a personal insult for all the Hungarians."
Orban spoke to the broader political issue, in that left-wing politicians like Biden cannot fathom a nationalistic or conservative alternative ideology, calling Hungary a "success story."
"The Western liberals cannot accept that inside the Western civilization, there is a conservative national alternative which is more successful at everyday life, at the level of them -- the liberal ones," he said. "That's the reason why they criticize us. They are fighting for themselves, not against us. But we are an example that a country which is based on traditional values, on national identity, on the tradition of Christianity can be successful – sometimes more successful than a leftist-liberal government."
Orban said Biden and the Democratic Party cannot accept the success Hungary has seen in protecting its Serbian and Croatian borders.
In the U.S. Congress, several top Democrats have also criticized Orban for alleged "xenophobic language" and unacceptable closeness to Russia. Now-former-Rep. Eliot Engel of New York, the former chairman of the foreign affairs committee, joined House Hungarian Caucus co-chair Marcy Kaptur of Ohio to strongly advise Trump against hosting Orban as he did last year for those reasons.
Of Biden's initial comment about "totalitarians" which named Hungary, Orban's secretary of state for international communication Zoltan Kovacs notably remarked last year: "So, this is what we can expect from the Democrats… more condescension and lecturing?".
More broadly, Orban spoke at length about the importance of a Christian-Democratic ideology in government, saying that even a countervailing left-wing government in the U.S. will benefit from Hungary's political position.
"It's better for the leftist liberal government in the United States to have a good partner, which is a Christian-Democratic one supported long-term by the people, the Hungarian people."
Orban further argued that there is nothing hateful or xenophobic about a strong national defense and secure borders:
"[National sovereignty] is coming from God, and nature. All begins with us. This is our country. This is our population. This is our history, our language. We have to [secure our borders]. Of course, if you're in trouble and there's nobody closer to you than the Hungarians, you have to be helpful," he said.
"But you can't say, okay, it's a nice country. I would like to come and live here because it's a nicer life, it is not a human right to come here. No way. It's our land. It's a nation, a community, family, history, tradition, language."
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VXujFNBV63I
https://www.amren.com/news/2021/08/the-walls-are-going-up-across-europe/
https://unherd.com/2021/07/the-walls-are-going-up-across-europe/
“There is an irony to be discerned in the European Union’s adoption of a series of fantasy bridges as a unifying symbol on its Euro banknotes: in reality, it is walls that are going up across the continent’s eastern approaches, as European politicians brace themselves for the flow of refugees about to make the trek from Afghanistan. After 20 failed years of war, the American pullout from Afghanistan will probably see the Taliban controlling more of the country than it did on 9/11, including the former anti-Taliban heartlands of the Northern Alliance. With a median age of 18.4 — more than 40% of the country’s 30 million population is less than 14 years old — most Afghans have lived their entire lives underneath Washington’s imperial umbrella.
The country’s Westernised middle classes, centred on Kabul, and ethnic and religious minorities like the Shia Hazara, who played a central role in the 2015 migrant crisis, are unlikely to try their chances under Taliban rule, as long as the door to Europe remains open. Already, Afghans make up 42% of the refugees and migrants living in squalid conditions on Greece’s eastern island camps, perhaps an even larger proportion than they did in 2015 when the large presence of Afghan Hazaras was dramatically underreported in the West, distracted by the Syria crisis, despite Afghans constituting a major portion of the migratory flow, including 2/3rds of Sweden’s 2015 arrivals.
But in any case, the Europe of 2021 is not the Europe of 2015, and Europe’s leaders have no appetite for a return of the political turmoil that followed Merkel’s experiment with open borders. Distracted by Brexit and imported American culture wars, Britain’s remaining pro-EU contingent have neglected to follow the developing consensus on the continent, where the hard line on migration for which Viktor Orbán was lambasted by liberal commentators back in 2015 has now entered the political mainstream.
When asked whether Germany had a duty to open the country’s doors to Afghan migration, even Merkel herself recently responded that “we cannot solve all of these problems by taking everyone in”. Instead she encouraged, rather unrealistically, a dialogue with the Taliban so “that people can live as peacefully as possible in the country”. In neighbouring Austria, Chancellor Kurz’s centre-right/Green coalition has responded to the surge in arrivals on its eastern borders with the deployment of the army and angry protests that European migration policy has “failed”, with the country’s Interior Minister Karl Nehammer complaining that “we have one of the biggest Afghan communities in the whole of Europe,” and that “it cannot be the case that Austria and Germany are solving the Afghanistan problem for the EU.”
The Austrian government has decisively swung towards the Central European approach of hardened borders and expedited returns to countries of origin, with Kurz stressing that he would not halt deportations to Afghanistan, as Sweden and Finland already have, a reflection of a public mood darkened by recent high-profile crimes carried out by Afghan asylum seekers. Like centre-left Denmark, which is accelerating both its return of refugees to Syria and the search, apparently along with the UK, of third-party countries in Africa willing to host refugees and migrants on its behalf, the new mood in Austria is not the result of the populist Right coming to power, but instead of centrist parties adopting solutions that were in 2015 considered the sole preserve of the radical Right.
As in Spain, where the next government is likely to be a coalition between the centre-right PP and the radical right Vox, in Italy a coalition government between the centre-Right and the far-Right looms in the wings. Indeed, Salvini’s Lega is now so outflanked on its Right by the rising power of Georgia Meloni’s post-fascist Brothers of Italy party, the most popular political party in the country, that it can be considered centre-Right itself, so far has the country’s Overton Window shifted. In France, where Macron has angrily rejected an imported American racial culture war in favour of the country’s homegrown culture war over Islam and the possibility of civil war, the soi-disant liberal saviour from the perceived populist menace has moved so far to the Right that the roughly even chances of a Le Pen victory in the forthcoming presidential election seem almost irrelevant in defining the country’s political trajectory.
Perhaps it is Greece that highlights best not just the shifting mood in Europe’s external border states, but the shifting mood in Brussels itself. When Erdogan opened Turkey’s land borders with Greece in spring last year, bussing migrants to the border fences in a confrontation that came uncomfortably close to war, Greece’s militarised response unexpectedly won applause rather than censure from the EU hierarchy, as well as the swift dispatch of both Frontex border guards and funds to build an impassable border wall, now being beefed up with EU surveillance zeppelins and drones. Rather than a rerun of the 2015 migrant crisis, when Europe functioned as a ready source of monetary tribute to an embattled Erdogan, last year’s Evros crisis functioned as a dry run for the coming Afghan wave.
After all, when Belarus’s autocrat Lukashenko began funnelling migrants to the Lithuanian border a few weeks ago, Frontex immediately responded with the deployment of border guards, and support for Lithuania’s planned new 550-km border wall — with Estonia even donating 100km of barbed wire to its struggling ally. Once again, the exact same fortification project Orbán was condemned for in 2015 was hurriedly paid for by the EU in 2020, and presented as a heartening symbol of EU solidarity by 2021. From the Baltic to the Aegean, walls are going up across the eastern marches of the European continent, which will soon define the bloc against the huddling masses straining to get in. Even in Turkey, where the secular opposition CHP party has accelerated its demands to return the country’s three million Syrian refugees within two years and made alarmed noises about the increasing flow of Afghan migrants across the Iranian border, the ruling AKP party is constructing concrete border walls to stem the flow from Afghanistan, just as it has constructed a concrete wall all along its borders with Syria, and deploys lethal force against Syrians trying to sneak through.”
It seems like some degree of common sense is returning to Europe after its Camp of the Saints mentality of open borders, but we will see.
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