Two-Tier Policing and the Erosion of Rule of Law in a Woke Regime, By Richard Miller (Londonistan)

The brutal murders of Elsie Stancombe, Bebe King, and Alice da Silva Aguiar in Southport on July 29, 2024, shocked the United Kingdom. The savagery of the attack, 85, 122, and 4 stab wounds respectively, at a Taylor Swift-themed children's workshop, ignited a national outpouring of grief and fury. In the days that followed, protests erupted, driven by a mix of anguish, fear, and frustration over perceived failures in public safety and immigration policy. Yet, the state's response to these protests revealed a troubling pattern: a two-tier system of policing, prosecution, and sentencing that undermines the rule of law and exposes the influence of a "woke" regime choosing ideology over justice.

The protests that followed the Southport killings were not a monolith. Some were fuelled by misinformation, like rumours that the killer, Axel Rudakubana, a second-generation Rwandan immigrant, was an asylum seeker. Others expressed broader concerns about crime, immigration, and government inaction. Regardless of their motives, non-violent protesters faced a crackdown that was swift, severe, and disproportionately harsh compared to other groups involved in similar unrest. By March 2025, the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) reported 821 convictions out of 859 defendants, with police forces still pursuing 40 suspects. The state's response raises serious questions about fairness and impartiality.

Accusations of two-tier policing emerged almost immediately. Non-violent Southport protesters, largely white and working-class, faced aggressive arrests, prolonged detentions, and denial of basic rights. For example, Jamie Michael, a former Royal Marine, was handcuffed aggressively, threatened with a maximum sentence, and denied a phone call after posting a video calling for peaceful protests. David Spring, a retired train driver, was arrested under a dispersal order, allegedly before it took effect, and sentenced to 18 months for swearing at police, despite no physical violence. Alex Smith, a bystander at a Whitehall protest, was detained for 21 hours without charge, later successfully suing the Metropolitan Police for misconduct.

Contrast this with the treatment of other groups. In Hanley, Stoke-on-Trent, Staffordshire Police failed to search or arrest masked men of Middle Eastern descent carrying offensive weapons, such as machetes. In Middlesbrough, Ameer Khalile, who chased and assaulted a man while shouting "white racist scum," faced no charges for racially aggravated offenses. In Birmingham, Amar Hussain's attack on a pub-goer, leaving him with a lacerated liver, also avoided racial aggravation charges. These disparities suggest a selective application of the law, where certain groups face lighter scrutiny based on their identity or perceived alignment with progressive ideals.

The CPS's approach further entrenched this divide. Non-violent Southport protesters were frequently charged under Section 19 of the Public Order Act 1986 for "stirring up racial hatred," an offense carrying a seven-year maximum sentence. Lucy Connolly, a childminder, was sentenced to 31 months for a tweet (deleted within hours) stating she "did not care" if asylum seeker hotels were set alight. Tyler Kay received 38 months for a similar post, despite no evidence linking it to actual violence. Daffron Williams got 30 months for "anti-Islamic" Facebook posts, including an AI-generated image of a child knight. These charges, often requiring Attorney General Lord Richard Hermer's approval, bypassed lighter statutes like Section 127 of the Communications Act 2003 (six months maximum) or Sections 179/181 of the Online Safety Act 2023 (one to two years).

Meanwhile, violent offenders from other contexts faced lesser consequences. Jonathan Daley, a Black Lives Matter (BLM) rioter who drop-kicked a police officer in 2020, received a 20-month suspended sentence for violent disorder. Shayden Spencer, who threw metal fences at police, also got a suspended sentence. Mussa Kadri, who stabbed a man for burning a Quran, was bailed hours after his arrest. The CPS's failure to apply racially aggravated charges to minorities like Khalile and Hussain, despite clear evidence of racial motivation, contrasts starkly with the heavy-handed prosecution of Southport protesters for ambiguous or non-inciting posts.

Sentencing disparities are equally glaring. Judges handed non-violent Southport protesters custodial sentences far harsher than those for violent offenders in other cases. Peter Lynch, a 61-year-old grandfather with health issues, was sentenced to 32 months for shouting at police and pushing a riot shield, dying by suicide in prison two months later. Wayne O'Rourke, a social media influencer, got 36 months for a post captioned "Sunderland, go on lads," with no proof he caused violence. Daniel Kingsley, a father caring for an autistic son, received 21 months for posts like "If you are going to riot today do it properly." Judges lectured defendants on "diversity" and branded them "bigots," injecting ideological rhetoric into supposedly impartial proceedings.

In contrast, BLM rioters and others faced leniency. Megan Morrison, convicted of stirring racial hatred, received a suspended six-month sentence and community service, with the judge offering measured remarks. Violent offenders like Daley and Spencer walked free with suspended sentences, while Southport protesters were rarely granted bail and faced immediate custody. The judiciary's inconsistent remand procedures and subjective interpretations of intent, often citing the "wider context of violence" without evidence of individual causation, suggest a bias against protesters perceived as "far-Right."

This two-tier system reflects a broader failure of the rule of law under a "woke" regime, where progressive ideology influences state institutions. Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer's public branding of Southport protesters as "far-Right thugs" set the tone, arguably prejudicing cases before they reached court. His push for rapid sentencing to "deter" unrest, coupled with Attorney General Hermer's ties to progressive groups like Hope Not Hate, created a climate where police and prosecutors targeted specific demographics. A His Majesty's Inspectorate of Fire and Rescue Services (HMICFRS) report later debunked the "far-Right" label, finding most protesters were local citizens with varied grievances, not organised extremists.

The state's actions, aggressive arrests, inflated charges, and harsh sentences, suggest a deliberate effort to suppress dissent against immigration and public safety policies. The CPS's misrepresentation of Lucy Connolly's statements and the Metropolitan Police's premature arrests under dispersal orders point to coercion, even if UK law doesn't always recognize it as such. Meanwhile, the leniency toward minorities committing racially motivated or violent acts undermines equal treatment under the law, fuelling perceptions of a justice system that chooses political correctness over fairness.

The rule of law demands impartiality, consistency, and proportionality. The Southport crackdown fails on all counts. Non-violent protesters faced punishments disproportionate to their actions, posts deleted within hours or passive presence at protests, while violent offenders from other contexts received leniency. The state's use of the Public Order Act to impose seven-year maximum sentences for speech, rather than lighter statutes, signals a chilling escalation in prosecuting dissent. Judicial remarks laden with ideological buzzwords like "diversity" and "bigot" erode public trust in an impartial judiciary.

When non-violent speech draws harsher penalties than physical violence, and when one group faces scrutiny while another is spared, the rule of law crumbles. The Southport protesters' cases, detailed below, illustrate this starkly.

Lucy Connolly (41, Childminder): Posted she "did not care" if asylum seeker hotels were set alight. Charged under Public Order Act, sentenced to 31 months. CPS falsely claimed she disliked immigrants. Remains in prison, release expected soon.

Peter Lynch (61, Grandfather): Shouted at police, pushed a riot shield. Charged with violent disorder, sentenced to 32 months. Died by suicide in prison. Health issues raised concerns about his fitness for custody.

Jamie Michael (45, Former Marine): Posted a video calling for peaceful protests. Charged with stirring racial hatred, acquitted after jury deliberation. Lost business and reputation.

Bernadette Spofforth (55, Businesswoman): Shared a rumour about the suspect's identity. Arrested, held for 36 hours, no charges filed. Pursuing legal action against police.

Daffron Williams (41, Veteran): Posted "anti-Islamic" messages. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 30 months. In prison, required to complete a "diversity" module.

Wayne O'Rourke (35, Influencer): Posted "Sunderland, go on lads." Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 36 months. In prison, release expected October 2025.

David Spring (61, Retired): Swore at police, no violence. Charged with violent disorder, sentenced to 18 months. In prison, release imminent.

Tyler Kay (26, Father): Posted about burning hotels. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 38 months. In prison, release expected March 2026.

Julie Sweeney (53, Grandmother): Called for blowing up a mosque. Charged under Online Safety Act, sentenced to 15 months. Likely released.

Cameron Bell (23, Care Worker): Livestreamed racist remarks. Charged with violent disorder, sentenced to 9 months. Released.

Mark Heath (45, Former Officer): Posted false suspect details. Charged with stirring racial hatred, acquitted. Attacked in prison.

Derek Heggie (41, Former Boxer): Posted offensive YouTube videos. Charged under Malicious Communications Act, sentenced to 10 months. Released.

Bradley McCarthy (34, Father): Goaded counter-protesters. Charged with violent disorder, sentenced to 20 months. Likely in prison.

Jordan Parlour (28): Posted about smashing a hotel. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 20 months. Released.

James Aspin (34, Father): Posted about burning mosques. Charged with stirring religious hatred, sentenced to 20 months. Likely in prison.

Daniel Kingsley (33, Father): Posted about riots. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 21 months. Likely in prison.

Joseph Haythorne (26, Engineer): Posted about burning hotels. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 15 months. Likely in prison.

Geraint Boyle (Father): Posted about burning mosques. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 24 months. In prison.

Aaron Johnson (YouTuber): Made derogatory remarks at a hotel. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 24 months. In prison.

Christopher Taggart: Posted about removing migrants. Charged with stirring racial hatred and weapon possession, sentenced to 32 months. In prison.

Rhys McDonald: Posted about radical Islam. Charged with stirring racial hatred, sentenced to 28 months. In prison.

Richard Williams (34, Metal Worker): Posted about a "protest/riot." Charged under Communications Act, sentenced to 3 months. Released.

The Southport crackdown reveals a justice system swayed by ideological pressures, where "woke" priorities, protecting certain groups while demonising others, namely whites, undermine equal treatment. To restore the rule of law, the UK must first get rid of Labour, then the Conservatives and vote in Reform. Then:

End Selective Enforcement: Police must apply the law consistently, regardless of a group's identity or political alignment.

Reform Prosecution Practices: The CPS should avoid inflating charges with severe statutes like the Public Order Act unless clear evidence of incitement exists.

Ensure Judicial Impartiality: Judges must refrain from ideological rhetoric and apply proportionate sentences, rejecting guilty pleas when evidence is weak.

Investigate State Overreach: An independent inquiry into Starmer's influence, police misconduct, CPS errors, and bias in judges, is essential to rebuild trust.

The Southport protests were born of tragedy and legitimate fears. The state's response, however, turned grief into a showcase of injustice. When the law bends to ideology, it ceases to serve the people. The UK must confront this two-tier system before it erodes the foundation of a free society: even further than it already has.

https://news.starknakedbrief.co.uk/p/britains-political-prisoners-a-year

https://www.amren.com/news/2025/08/labour-councillor-who-called-for-protesters-throats-to-be-cut-is-cleared-of-encouraging-violent-disorder/

"A suspended Labour councillor who called for far-right protesters' throats to be cut at an anti-racism rally has been cleared of encouraging violent disorder.

Ricky Jones, 58, was found not guilty on Friday after a jury deliberated for just half an hour.

Mr Jones attended a counter-demonstration on Hoe Street, Walthamstow, on August 7, 2024, in response to anti-migrant rallies sparked by the murders of three young girls in Southport.

Ellie Dot Stancombe, seven, Bebe King, six, and Alice Da Silva Aguiar, nine, were killed by Axel Rudakubana, who also injured several children and adults at a Taylor Swift-themed dance class on July 29, 2024.

The incident sparked riots nationwide after misinformation spread online that killer, Rudakubana, was a Muslim asylum seeker who had recently arrived in Britain on a small boat.

In the wake of rioting after the Southport murders last summer, Mr Jones described far-right activists as 'disgusting Nazi fascists', his trial at Snaresbrook Crown Court heard.

Jones previously told the trial his comment did not refer to far-right protesters involved in the riots at the time, but to those who had reportedly left National Front stickers on a train with razor blades hidden behind them.

A video showing the father-of-four addressing the crowd in Walthamstow, east London, on August 7 last year, went viral on social media after the protest.

Wearing a black polo top and surrounded by cheering supporters, the councillor said: 'You've got women and children using these trains during the summer holidays.

'They don't give a s**t about who they hurt.

'They are disgusting Nazi fascists. We need to cut all their throats and get rid of them all.'

He also drew his finger across his throat as he spoke to the crowd.

Prosecutor ben Holt alleged that Jones, who at the time worked as an official for the Transport Salaried Staff's Association (TSSA) union, had used 'inflammatory, rabble-rousing language' in front of a crowd they described as a 'tinderbox'.

He told jurors Jones's speech was amplified through a microphone and speakers and took place 'in a setting where violence could readily have been anticipated'.

Superintendent Jack May-Robinson previously told the court: 'Any spark could have led to an incident or disorder occurring.'

Mr Jones, who said he was on the left of the Labour Party, previously told jurors the riots had made him feel 'upset' and 'angry' and said he felt it was his 'duty' to attend counter-protests, despite being warned to stay away from such demonstrations by the Labour Party.

The jury also heard a medical report by experts from the prosecution and defence agreed that Jones 'suffers from a number of neurodivergent challenges' – including 'impaired verbal comprehension potentially leading to misunderstanding the impact of his words' and 'slower cognitive processing meaning he may not have evaluated the situation in real time'."

Of course.