The Long and Winding Road of Cultural Marxism, By Richard Miller (Europe)

Conservative Woman.co.uk, which has some hard-hitting pieces on Britain's descent into cultural Marxism and communism, has given the below summary of the present cultural Marxist agenda. Beginning around the mid-1960s, the old Left, which was concerned with economic inequality, gave way to the New Left, as seen in the rise of publications such as The New Left Review. The traditional White working class had failed to "make revolution," so attention was now focussed upon other minority groups who could have revolutionary potential, such a women, migrants, trans and homosexuals. The idea was to liberate them, and forge them into a "New Class." This was achieved with remarkable success. Of course, it did not bring about the sort of communism of economic equality that Marx wanted, but that did not matter, as the idea was only for these groups to allow power to the new ruling elites, who controlled the lobbies, such a femocrats, and ethnic/immigration leaders. The Frankfurt School's Herbert Marcuse saw that domination of the universities was the first main step in this process, and this has now been so successful that few if any conservatives exist on British or Australian universities now. Freedom movement types are still blind to the pernicious effects of the universities.

"Both socialist factions and the billionaire elites ultimately want the same thing – to destroy society and the free market and to 'build back better'. Reflecting Gramsci's observation on the importance of culture, the elites have understood the importance of a 'master narrative' which would indoctrinate people into the new behaviours, values and beliefs required for the globalist coup. The evolution of the left has been noticeable for its distrust of the working class both to see the chains with which they were bound, and to offer a realistic strategy to rise and overcome oppression. Instead, the left's 'long march through the institutions' from the late 60s has eschewed the 'unreliable masses' in favour of a more tightly scripted revolution. The ideology of social justice, the mainstreaming of racial equality and transgenderism, and the role of environmental fundamentalism, all originate from Marxist thought, but have been reimagined for the globalist revolution."

https://www.conservativewoman.co.uk/cultural-marxism-and-how-the-left-played-the-long-game/

"TO MANY, Sir Keir Starmer's comments ahead of the Autumn Budget, hinting at tax rises, will come as no surprise. To those who understand the continuing rollout of communism, and Starmer's role as the UK face of its next stage, this has been long anticipated.

Even the staunchest believers would surely acknowledge the harsh reality of historical communist projects and that they proved to be far from emancipatory. More recent scrutiny has been cast on the role and motivations of the historical thinkers behind the ideology of the political left. While the suggestion that Marx and Engels were affiliates of high-level freemasonry remains open to conjecture, the jury remains undecided on the founding father of communism's real motivations (and possible financial benefactors). In relation to communism in its contemporary setting, there was at least a recognition in Marx's 'materialist conception of history' that society must be understood through the structure of its economy, and by the gap which exists between the rich and the poor – something that Starmer's Labour Government are unlikely to be addressing any time soon.

A neo-Marxist who has had relatively little recent coverage in understanding the evolution of the original ideas is the Italian communist Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937). Keen to retain Marx's original treatise on material inequality, Gramsci's revision of Marx's 'base-superstructure' model, reflected what he proposed to be a more complex, and more realistic account of actor-economic dynamics in capitalist society. Instead, he argued, 'rule by consent' enables a better understanding as to why the capitalist class can consistently negotiate favourable conditions for itself without triggering mass working-class ire. This model also more accurately examines the important roles played by the media, education system, the state and other institutions in inculcating the values, beliefs, and behaviours which align with the dominant economic interests – updated by Gramsci as 'cultural hegemony'.

While Francis Fukuyama proclaimed 'the end of history' with the fall of the communist bloc in 1989, there was another, less visible conflict, being played out within the left as it became clear that the revolution was not going to happen. These conflicts revolved around observations that consumer society had compromised working-class activism, the state had kept the poor mollified with extensive welfare programmes, and other forms of oppression had emerged to rival social class as a political trigger. Senator Ted Cruz argues that from this time 'Marxists took Marx's communist teachings, which were originally applied to economics and to property, and applied them to culture instead'. Cristopher Rufo confirms that the left did not abandon the revolution in 1968, rather that the events of that time served to highlight the need for a different approach. This reinvention involved the hard left shifting the debate beyond class inequality, embracing other forms of oppression identity politics, and plugging into existing grassroots activism. Race, gender, global conflict and environmental issues were all gaining political momentum at the time and signposted a way forward for a movement which seemed to have lost its way. More importantly, this involved the principal activists taking greater control of the narrative.

The Frankfurt School's Herbert Marcuse was the leading figure behind this change in focus. Marcuse took note of Gramsci's observation that it is the control of information and ideas which guides the political and economic direction in which society moves. Marcuse argued that, rather than seizing the means of production, the revolution would now involve the long-term intellectual capture of society's institutions, beginning with the elite universities before 'radicalising' the mass media, corporations and then mainstream government itself. As an Ivy League professor, Marcuse was already highlighting new forms of societal oppression in his own teaching practices and in a series of public talks on the inversions of western society. According to Marcuse, democracy is 'pseudo-democracy', liberty can be understood as 'repressive tolerance', and freedom is itself 'sublimated slavery'. One of his students, Angela Davis, became a highly influential communist revolutionary as part of the Black Panther Party and, more recently, the Occupy Wall Street and Divestment movement. Many of Marcuse's students went into highly influential positions in academia, and their current influence in higher education, the corporate world and in government has never been higher.

Ideologies are by their very nature contested by different factions, motivations and claims to comprehend and oversee 'the true vision'. In this way, the long-term rebuilding project by the left outlined above itself mirrors the way in which monetarism was able to strengthen and define the ascendency of the political right in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The ideas of Milton Friedman and Friedrich Hayek did not have immediate impact on political economy, but these ideas gained ground and credibility through the influence of key figures in civil society, academia and government departments ahead of their ascendency into the mainstream policy discourse. The final step of course became the discrediting of Keynesian economics as a state strategy.

While initially appearing likely bedfellows, the language of social justice has of course been a useful galvanising and dividing tool for the elite – deepening the influence of the left on mainstream politics and the current alliance between socialism and corporatism. This is not difficult to comprehend when you understand that both socialist factions and the billionaire elites ultimately want the same thing – to destroy society and the free market and to 'build back better'. Reflecting Gramsci's observation on the importance of culture, the elites have understood the importance of a 'master narrative' which would indoctrinate people into the new behaviours, values and beliefs required for the globalist coup. The evolution of the left has been noticeable for its distrust of the working class both to see the chains with which they were bound, and to offer a realistic strategy to rise and overcome oppression. Instead, the left's 'long march through the institutions' from the late 60s has eschewed the 'unreliable masses' in favour of a more tightly scripted revolution. The ideology of social justice, the mainstreaming of racial equality and transgenderism, and the role of environmental fundamentalism, all originate from Marxist thought, but have been reimagined for the globalist revolution."