The Great Immigration Cover-Up, By Richard Miller (London)
The Telegraph, although most of its punchy articles are behind paywalls, is doing an excellent job for a mainstream publication to expose the Great Immigration Scam. In their latest critique of the immigration government mafia, they observe that civil servants are blocking the publication of material detailing immigrant crime. There was supposed to be an annual report made to Parliament detailing the nationality, visa status and asylum status of every offender convicted in English and Welsh courts over the last 12 months. That this process is being frustrated shows something very worrying about the UK public service, that it has now largely been filled with migrants and their descendants, and this material must be an embarrassment to some groups. So, as always, best to keep the rest of the British population in a mushroom state, until it is much too late to do anything, and they are ethno-culturally replaced.
Here is why the system wants silence: "the data we do have suggests that there are significant disparities between migrant groups. The Ministry of Justice already publishes data on Foreign National Offenders sentenced to imprisonment, with the most recent statistics showing that they represent 12 per cent of the prison population. The most common foreign nationality was Albanian, with the group making up 14 per cent of foreign prisoner population – 1,475 people. While a precise population size is hard to establish due to the large numbers crossing the English Channel on "small boats", just 140,000 Albanians are estimated to reside in the UK."
"It was sadly predictable that civil servants would seek to block the publication of league tables showing the migrant nationalities with the highest rates of crime. It's the classic Blob ploy; if the data gives results you don't like, reject the data.
The proposal, made by the former immigration minister Robert Jenrick and backed by 40 Conservative MPs, was straightforward: Ministers would present an annual report to Parliament detailing the nationality, visa status and asylum status of every offender convicted in English and Welsh courts over the previous year. Mr Jenrick has warned that Britain could be "importing crime" and called for greater transparency to inform policy and public debate.
Mr Jenrick cites the example of Denmark, where the regular publication of detailed data has shown that some migrant groups, like those from Lebanon or Somalia, are over-represented in criminal statistics compared to Danes while others, like those from Japan or Argentina, are under-represented.
When it was announced, the Government was said to have no "ideological concerns" about the plan but was concerned about the practicality of implementing the amendment. Now civil servants have advised that Sir Lindsay Hoyle, the Commons Speaker, might rule that the amendment is not "in scope" for the Criminal Justice Bill, which is mainly focused on cracking down on crime.
That is a blatant cop-out. The Bill's full title includes "provision about the prevention and detection of crime and disorder". Publishing data on migrant crime would be far more within the scope of that goal than other amendments such as decriminalising abortion. It's hard not to wonder whether civil servants are just afraid of what they might find if they start looking.
The good news is that even if the amendment is ruled out, the league table could still go ahead. The Home Office already collects this data, although they don't organise or publish it. If you attempt to access it through a Freedom of Information request, it will be refused on the grounds that it costs too much to collate. But it would surely be possible for a Minister to access it to aid their decision making – and reveal it to the public.
After all, the data we do have suggests that there are significant disparities between migrant groups. The Ministry of Justice already publishes data on Foreign National Offenders sentenced to imprisonment, with the most recent statistics showing that they represent 12 per cent of the prison population. The most common foreign nationality was Albanian, with the group making up 14 per cent of foreign prisoner population – 1,475 people. While a precise population size is hard to establish due to the large numbers crossing the English Channel on "small boats", just 140,000 Albanians are estimated to reside in the UK.
That does still suggest that Mr Jenrick is correct that different migrant groups have different impacts on the criminal justice system. A sensible data-driven immigration policy would reduce immigration from nations which are disproportionately involved in crime, with all the attendant costs on the taxpayer.
It could also inform our asylum policy, where there is evidence that organised crime abuses the system. The National Crime Agency has warned that Albanian criminals are coached on how to use modern slavery laws to avoid deportation, while Albanian asylum seekers can be working on cannabis farms within days of arriving illegally in Britain. Without better data in the public sphere it is impossible to quantify the scale of these problems however.
Yet the civil service remains resolutely opposed to anything which hints that immigration is anything other than an unalloyed good. It is hard to think of any other reason why this data would be withheld; if we are to build migration policies that lead to greater prosperity for all, and create a happier and more cohesive society, why wouldn't we want to know more about potential migrants, and choose the people most likely to succeed? It may be inconvenient for critics of the amendment, but if a social democratic, high-trust country like Denmark can do this then there is no reason why Britain can't."
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