Part 1: Neo-Liberalism and the Destruction of the West: A Review of The God that Failed By James Reed
John Q. Publius, a pen/protection name of presumably an American academic, has published The God that Failed: Liberalism and the Destruction of the West, (Black House Publishing, 2020). The book has already gone through two editions; the first in May and the second in September, 2020. This is in itself good to see, as a number of Right-wing presses, including Arktos and Counter-Currents, and Black House as well, have had titles knocked off by the usual censoring e-publishers.
The God that Failed offers an analysis of the philosophical basis of globalism in its present form: neo-liberalism, which is an ideology usually characterised by its economic parameters, such as so-called “free markets,” the mass movement of people through unending migration, creating a reserve army of the unemployed, or casual workers at a subsistence level, and deregulation of the economy, for the West at least. All of this is supposedly supported by a libertarian philosophy which makes “liberty” and “freedom” core values. While this sounds good on paper, and is quite intellectually seductive to our side of politics, neo-liberalism, based upon libertarian economic philosophy, is a sham view of freedom, for it is only concerned with the freedom and liberty of big business and international corporate finance. George Monbiot, quoted by Publius, gives his insightful outline of the origin of neo-liberalism:
“The term neoliberalism was coined at a meeting in Paris in 1938. Among the delegates were two men who came to define the ideology, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek. Both exiles from Austria, they saw social democracy, exemplified by Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal and the gradual development of Britain’s welfare state, as manifestations of a collectivism that occupied the same spectrum as Nazism and communism.
In The Road to Serfdom, published in 1944, Hayek argued that government planning, by crushing individualism, would lead inexorably to totalitarian control. Like Mises’s book Bureaucracy, The Road to Serfdom was widely read. It came to the attention of some very wealthy people, who saw in the philosophy an opportunity to free themselves from regulation and tax. When, in 1947, Hayek founded the first organisation that would spread the doctrine of neoliberalism – the Mont Pelerin Society – it was supported financially by millionaires and their foundations.
With their help, he began to create what Daniel Stedman Jones describes in Masters of the Universe as “a kind of neoliberal international”: a transatlantic network of academics, businessmen, journalists and activists. The movement’s rich backers funded a series of thinktanks which would refine and promote the ideology. Among them were the American Enterprise Institute, the Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, the Institute of Economic Affairs, the Centre for Policy Studies and the Adam Smith Institute. They also financed academic positions and departments, particularly at the universities of Chicago and Virginia.
As it evolved, neoliberalism became more strident. Hayek’s view that governments should regulate competition to prevent monopolies from forming gave way – among American apostles such as Milton Friedman – to the belief that monopoly power could be seen as a reward for efficiency.
Something else happened during this transition: the movement lost its name. In 1951, Friedman was happy to describe himself as a neoliberal. But soon after that, the term began to disappear. Stranger still, even as the ideology became crisper and the movement more coherent, the lost name was not replaced by any common alternative.
At first, despite its lavish funding, neoliberalism remained at the margins. The postwar consensus was almost universal: John Maynard Keynes’s economic prescriptions were widely applied, full employment and the relief of poverty were common goals in the US and much of western Europe, top rates of tax were high and governments sought social outcomes without embarrassment, developing new public services and safety nets.
But in the 1970s, when Keynesian policies began to fall apart and economic crises struck on both sides of the Atlantic, neoliberal ideas began to enter the mainstream. As Friedman remarked, “when the time came that you had to change ... there was an alternative ready there to be picked up”. With the help of sympathetic journalists and political advisers, elements of neoliberalism, especially its prescriptions for monetary policy, were adopted by Jimmy Carter’s administration in the US and Jim Callaghan’s government in Britain.
After Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan took power, the rest of the package soon followed: massive tax cuts for the rich, the crushing of trade unions, deregulation, privatisation, outsourcing and competition in public services. Through the IMF, the World Bank, the Maastricht treaty and the World Trade Organisation, neoliberal policies were imposed – often without democratic consent – on much of the world. Most remarkable was its adoption among parties that once belonged to the left: Labour and the Democrats, for example. As Stedman Jones notes, “it is hard to think of another utopia to have been as fully realised.”
Along the same lines, Publius devotes many pages to showing that neo-liberalism is not based upon a philosophy of freedom, but is what we would call a collectivist philosophy, dependent upon government support, creating further debt, chaining nations to greater slavery to international finance. In short: “the neo-liberal model is in practice defined by its combination of crony capitalist economics with extreme Cultural Marxist social reengineering and wholesale population replacement. It cultivates and encourages all of the worse impulses of humanity with the constant refrain of more, more, more. Its engine runs on lust for power and control, greed, extreme in-group favouritism, and a dark undercurrent of spite few want to acknowledge for the truth is so ugly.” (p. 23)
For example, when economic crises occur, governments are quick to bail out the big boys for the sum of billions, while small businesses crash. The book was published a bit too soon to encompass the full economic horrors of the 2020 plandemic of Covid-1984, but we have covered this issue in other articles at the alor.org blog. Cutting to the chase, the ultra-big corporates like Amazon, have got richer, while small businesses have collapsed because of the artificial conditions of the lockdown. People who had not previously stockpiled goods were forced to buy on-line, things that they would have got from a walk-in store. Some call this a happy coincidence for the super-capitalists, but to my mind now, after reading everything published at our site, summarising the alternative take on things, this is a conspiracy to end all conspiracies, to ring in a totalitarian Chinese-dominated New World Order that has eschewed all traditional Western values.
Thus, neo-liberalism, despite its philosophical lip-service given to free markets, does engage in substantial “corporate welfare.” The top 10 percent of US farmers, for example, received 77 percent of subsidies and the top 1 percent got 26 percent. The Cato Institute estimates that the US government gives $ 100 billion of tax money to corporates each year. That is not even considering massive bail-outs, such as $ 187 billion to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac in 2008, the AIG bail-out of $ 182 billion, and the grand daddy of the all: $ 700 billion for the Troubled Asset Relief Programs (TARP) in October 2008, to bail out various financial institutions and businesses. By the sheer logic of its Darwinian “survival of the fittest” logic of neo-liberalism, these should all have been allowed to perish.
Perhaps even more astonishing is the taxpayer subsidies given to the corporates, who make astronomical profits anyway. Thus: Boeing, over $ 13 billion; Alcoa, over $ 5.6 billion; Intel, almost $ 3.9 billion, and the list goes on. Numerous other corporates get subsidies, often of millions of dollars, including Google and Amazon! (p. 10) Amazon paid a 1.2 percent tax on $ 13,285,000,000 for 2019, and paid no corporate tax in 2018! When Trump was challenged about his tax minimisation, done by all capitalists, he dared not counter with this material, which would be the ultimate treason to his financial class.
It is confiscatory taxation “that goes to subsidize mass Third World immigration to drive down labour costs and atomize communities. It is confiscatory taxation that finances deluxe professional sports stadiums, and it is confiscatory taxation that builds Amazon’s second headquarters – not to mention welfare for all the Amazon and Uber employees who are unable to even earn a living wage. In short, the government is subsidizing your destruction with your time and money, which is to say that you are subsidizing your own destruction.” (p. 13) Thus, there is nothing “free” about the so-called “free market,” for it is basically a form of hybrid state socialism and manic capitalism, based around feeding the corporates, who exist as collectivistic entities, with a life distinct from any individual players.
This is the central theme of The God that Failed, as the agenda of neo-liberalism is not based upon any traditional liberal values, but upon destroying the old and replacing it with the “new”; the “old” being White Europeans, and the “new” being non-white migrants. The racial Great Replacement is a necessary part of the New World Order agenda to produce a passive and compliant population who will work for low wages, having come from the Third World, and being used to such conditions. But in the longer-term, even these Replacers, are also Replaceable, ultimately by machines, so that the bulk of he human race is just surplus fodder for the super-capitalists, who if they do not nuke the Earth and head for a new planet, which is probably why there is such a search at present, may still eliminate the bulk of the “useless eaters,” i.e. us.
Publius goes into great detail about the planned destruction of White people. The book’s opening “Exordium” (pp. 1-24) is jam-packed with horrific statistics of the social apocalypse in most White cities, focusing upon the United States. Suicides and drug overdoses are some of the leading causers of death in the US for the under fifty-year olds. And, the mortality rates for US drug overdoses has a racial aspect, with the drug-related mortality rate per 100,000 in 2016 for Whites was 25.3; Blacks, 17.6, and Hispanics, 9.5. In 2016, 79.6 percent of the US opioid overdose deaths were White. The suicide rate of White males in all age groups was 69.67 percent of suicides in 2018. Such statistics are basically replicated across the West, with some ethno-racial groups such as Australian Aborigines, especially in more remote communities, facing even more extreme problems.
Synthetic opioids are the main killers at the moment. This led to a situation where, in the US, for example, only Whites and Amerindians experienced increases on mortality for the period 1999-2014. “The CDC’s National Center for health Statistics shows an increase in the death rates from 1999 to 2014 for young whites; 25-year-old white women experienced an average increase in mortality of 3 % every year over that time period, while 25-year-old white men had an average annual increase of 1.9 %. Mortality rates also went up for whites in the age groups 40 to 50 and 62 to 64. In the last few years, the average life expectancy for whites as a population group has been in decline.” (p. 6)
Rural people across the West have been the hardest hit by neo-liberalist globalism, due to “generations of mass immigration, out-sourcing, targeted destruction, and neo-liberal decadence.” (p. 7) As well, the policies of allowing economic predator nations to buy off the family farm, has gutted societies. Joining up the dots, white despair is reflected in the inter-related suicide and drug statistics, as well as in the other evils that Publius goes on to discuss, such as white guilt, political correctness, the fall of the traditional university, the elimination of free speech, and traditional liberal values, seen very clearly in the Covid-1984 plandemic, yet the latest example of anarcho-tyranny
Continued in Part II