Foreigners and Crime on French Public Transport, By Richard Miller (Londonistan)
In 2024, crime statistics from France, particularly on public transport, have sparked intense debate about the role of foreigners in violent and sexual offenses. Data from the French National Institute of Statistics and Economic Studies (INSEE), the Ministerial Statistical Service for Internal Security (SSMSI), and the National Observatory on Violence against Women (MIPROF) reveal a significant overrepresentation of foreigners in certain crime categories, especially in the Île-de-France region encompassing Paris. I delve into the 2024 crime statistics, focusing on violent robberies, physical and sexual violence on public transport, and examine the broader implications for French society, public policy, and the ongoing debate surrounding immigration.
According to the SSMSI, in 2024, French police and gendarmerie recorded 107,080 victims of crimes on public transport nationwide, including thefts, violent robberies, physical violence, sexual assaults, and fraud. This represents an 8% decrease from 2023, driven largely by a 9% drop in thefts with and without violence. Despite this overall decline, sexual violence on public transport has surged, with 3,374 victims reported in 2024, a 6% increase from 2023, 9% from 2022, and an alarming 86% increase since 2016. Notably, 44% of these sexual violence cases occurred in the Île-de-France region, highlighting Paris as a hotspot for such crimes.
INSEE data, as reported by Fdesouche, indicates that foreigners are disproportionately involved in violent crimes on public transport. In Île-de-France, foreigners committed 64% of violent robberies, physical assaults, and sexual violence in 2024, despite representing only 7.7% of France's total population (5.2 million people). Of these, 43% were perpetrated by individuals of North African origin, who make up just 3.4% of the national population. Nationally, foreigners accounted for 41% of violent robberies, physical violence, and sexual assaults on public transport, with 19% attributed to North Africans.
The foreign population in France, totalling 5.2 million, is 44.4% African, with significant representation from North African countries. However, French statistics do not track ethnicity or the migration background of citizens, meaning individuals who have acquired French citizenship are counted as French, potentially underrepresenting the influence of migration backgrounds in crime data.
The National Observatory on Violence against Women (MIPROF) underscores the severity of sexual violence on public transport. In 2024, women constituted 91% of sexual assault victims, with 75% under 30 years old and 36% minors. The 86% rise in sexual violence since 2016 is particularly stark in Île-de-France, where 70% of women report having experienced sexual violence in their lifetime, and 56% express fear when using public transport. Additionally, 80% of women in the region remain on constant alert while travelling. These figures reflect a pervasive sense of insecurity, with MIPROF noting that public transport networks are spaces where women are particularly vulnerable to sexist and sexual violence.
Similar trends are observed in Germany, where 59% of sexual assaults on trains in 2024 were attributed to foreigners, with sexual crimes doubling since 2019. This suggests a broader European challenge regarding crime on public transport, particularly in urban hubs with diverse populations.
The overrepresentation of foreigners in violent crimes on public transport is undeniable. In Île-de-France, foreigners, who make up a small fraction of the population, account for a majority of violent robberies (64%) and sexual assaults (63% in earlier 2019 data). Nationally, their 41% share of such crimes far exceeds their 7.7% population proportion. This disparity is even more pronounced for North Africans, who, despite being 3.4% of the population, are linked to 19% of these crimes nationally and 43% in Île-de-France.
Things may be worse though. France's decision not to track ethnicity or migration background for citizens obscures the full picture. For instance, second-generation immigrants with French citizenship are not counted as foreigners, potentially understating the impact of migration-related factors. In Denmark, where such data is available, second-generation migrants have higher crime rates than first-generation immigrants, suggesting similar dynamics may exist in France.
The concentration of crimes in Île-de-France, particularly in Paris and Seine-Saint-Denis, points to socioeconomic factors. These areas have higher immigrant populations, with Seine-Saint-Denis reporting nearly twice the rate of robberies, drug offenses, and murders compared to other regions. Poverty, unemployment, and social marginalisation, often more prevalent among immigrant communities, are correlated with higher crime rates. Additionally, cultural and integration challenges may contribute, though the lack of ethnicity data limits deeper analysis.
Public sentiment, as reflected in a 2023 Le Figaro poll, shows 74% of French people believe there are too many migrants, a view fuelled by crime statistics and high-profile incidents. French Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin acknowledged in 2022 that foreigners accounted for 48% of crimes in Paris, 55% in Marseille, and 39% in Lyon, reinforcing public concerns.
In response, French Transport Minister Philippe Tabarot has called for stronger measures to combat sexual violence on public transport, emphasising the need to address the "scourge" of sexist and sexual violence. MIPROF Secretary General Roxana Maracineanu has questioned whether public transport remains equally accessible to all citizens, given women's widespread fear.
France has become a war zone; but a one-sided one.
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