Veiko Hessler makes the excellent point that we are subjected to relentless doom and gloom and images of the coming apocalypse … unless, we, the ordinary people, submit to the schemes of the elites, who are proposing the visions of doom. The World Economic Forum, and the UN, through climate change organisations such as the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) are examples. People are undermined by a disaster-overload, and become apathic, losing hope of opposing anything. This is the common response one gets when pointing out the globalist agenda to ordinary folk; well, it is hopeless, too big, what can we do?
While our struggle is not easily, we, of the freedom movement need to present alternatives to the worldview those such as the transhumanist World Economic Forum are presenting. As Hessler concludes: “The ingenious strategy of European evolution has always depended on the explosive imagination of a few heroic individuals, and it is time for us to accept this mantle of responsibility once again. If our people cannot envisage a future for themselves, it is time for us to articulate one for them to believe in. In a world of rack and ruin, where all seems lost, we must be the lighthouse, the shining beacon, guiding our people home and out of their deep despair in the age of apocalypses.”
I feel that the Christian message must be a key part of this, reaffirming human worth and dignity of the individual against the reductionist collectivist, globalists.
https://counter-currents.com/2023/06/the-age-of-apocalypses/
“But the peasants — how do the peasants die?” — Leo Tolstoy
The sky is falling. We are bombarded daily with dire warnings: the planet is dying, nuclear hellfire is imminent, the global economy is collapsing, and artificial intelligence will at best make us unemployed, and at worst destroy the human essence of society. Politics has fragmented into a collection of competing doomsday cults, each offering its own dystopian apocalypse that they claim must be acknowledged as the primary threat to humanity’s survival.
Rather than galvanizing the masses to collective action to avert these imagined or real catastrophes, however, the public is increasingly succumbing to apathy and inaction, paralyzed by the sheer multitude and enormity of the problems facing them and their perceived total lack of ability to ameliorate these crises. This downward shift in the collective consciousness has profound implications for those seeking to manifest change in the world. In such a period of mass neurosis, the demographic replacement of whites simply becomes one disaster amongst a myriad.
Often white advocates are frustrated that despite the replete and growing examples of the failure of multiculturalism, ranging from terrorist attacks to unmanageable and endless migrant flows, large sections of our people fail to acknowledge the problem. This is at best a partial truth. While it could be argued that in the 1980s or even the 1990s that many of our people were genuinely unaware of the problems of multiculturalism, or at the very least the true extent of them, in 2023 those living in true ignorance are a vanishingly small group. The question for those who have not accepted our credo is now no longer whether our claims that demographic replacement is occurring are true, but rather whether this matters more than the other pressing problems society faces. This conclusion will be anathema to many on the radical Right, who will state that it is self-evident that the extinction of our ethnic group is the most salient problem of our time and that all other problems are downstream from this. If we could simply regain control of the levers of power, the argument goes, all other problems could be overcome.
The inconvenient truth is that for many people, this line of reasoning is not self-evident. The connection between saving the white race and solving the crushing problems they face on a day-to-day basis is a tangential one. Huge numbers may well even agree with us that mass migration and demographic decline are grave social ills, but when faced with collapsing standards of living and economic decline, a rapidly degrading environment, and the prospect of global conflict, this seems a secondary priority. Even the avenues by which action to avert demographic disaster might be taken seem doubtful and fraught with intractable problems. How can voting for nationalist parties be a solution when the electoral system itself has been called into question? What difference does the ethnic composition of your neighborhood make if tyrannical technocrats can institute global lockdowns and trample the freedom of all, regardless of race? And what solution can white advocacy offer when the most important active war in the world today is an intra-European one?
Our political work must be informed by an understanding that globalization is not only an economic process, but a psychological one. Where once the scale of reference for the average individual was local or national, in an interconnected world even the most parochial minds are not immune to thinking on a planetary scale. This shift has recently manifested itself in Elon Musk raising the problem of falling birthrates — not amongst whites, but as a global process heralding disaster not only in the West, but in countries as disparate as India, China, and Japan. It was not that long ago that aging populations and vanishing countries were spoken of as exclusively a problem inherent to dying Western societies, but now infertility has gone global as a byproduct of modern materialism and its seemingly inevitable reproductive dysfunction. This has given rise to a deracinated pro-natal argument: A fall in global population will be a disaster for us all, and it will disproportionately affect higher-IQ countries.
This white noise has muddied the waters of our efforts to make the case that European countries should stay European. It is in part a function of an overreliance on purely utilitarian arguments which hold that we should save our ethnic group because we are statistically, on average, more productive and more intelligent. If the arguments for our continued existence are based solely on materialist claims, they are open to relativist subversion. We must animate our people not only by logical and rational claims, but by also making metaphysical and emotional appeals. Our group is not monolithic; there is no single approach that will inspire every individual to urgent action. Our platform must be multifaceted and focus on activating a broad base.
We must also acknowledge that we are being buffeted by tremendous countervailing and psychologically demoralizing attempts to prey on our racial sense of morality and fairness. While Elon Musk may have positioned himself as the most well-known pro-natal advocate, huge swathes of our people have bought into the idea that global population decline is in fact a desirable outcome needed to save the planet from total destruction. In the infertility arms race, we are simply ahead of the pack; we are making a Christ-like sacrifice by lessening our own numbers to save humanity writ large. And we are doing so with total moral authority, because whiteness itself has been vilified to the point that many of our people are deeply afraid of it.
It is not hyperbole to state that for a significant proportion of our people, whiteness itself is in fact another disaster and is associated in their minds solely with injustice, genocide, slavery, and oppression. While we can complain that this is a psychological attack foisted on us by malevolent groups with our worst interests at heart, this does not lessen the reality of this neurosis’ pervasiveness. Pointing out that a fear is irrational rarely dispels that fear in the minds of those who have a deeply-ingrained phobia. We cannot heal the souls of such people by impotently complaining that our enemies are waging a psychological war upon us, but only by winning this tug-of-war that is taking place in the shared imagination of our folk.
The 2019 horror movie Midsommar presented a folkish, bucolic, homogeneous, and traditional Swedish society as the setting for occult murder and inbred evil traditions, building on the demonization of similar themes in the 1973 film The Wicker Man. It may seem laughable to those involved in the dissident Right that the traditional modes of living our ancestors enjoyed are scary to many of our people today, while multicultural cities where crime and terrorism are rampant and increasing are not — but nevertheless, this narrative has warped the psyche of our people.
This gets to the heart of the problem with our strategy. We can devote huge amounts of time and energy to highlighting racial crime statistics, individual acts of interracial violence, and examples of social breakdown and degeneracy. Ultimately, however, we have been unable to terrorize our people with apocalyptic visions of disaster as well as our opponents have done. Put simply, we cannot move the needle in our direction by adding more woes to an already embattled and beleaguered collective consciousness. Our enemies are too proficient in wielding and distributing despair.
If we cannot win the battle to present the most convincing disaster, we must instead adopt another tack. We must strike back with the most potent weapons in our arsenal: hope and inspiration. In an epoch of catastrophes defined by an almost ubiquitous belief that nothing can be fixed and everything will get worse, we must be the voice of spiritual renewal and racial resurrection. We must set our sights higher. We should not only make the nebulous claim that we will save our people, but also that we will make a world worth living in for them. If our enemies say that whiteness is only a force of destruction and evil, we must conclusively prove them to be liars by our words and deeds. If our flock is threatened by the howling of distant wolves, it is incumbent upon us to take up the role of shepherds, herding them away from dangers both imagined and real.
In all that we do, we must emulate the example of Gabriele D’Annunzio in his daring 1918 aerial raid behind enemy lines on the city of Vienna, risking his life to drop tens of thousands of propaganda leaflets to a stunned and ostensibly hostile populace. We must embrace the theater of the grand gesture which ignites the imaginations of all who witness it. We must be a relentless whirlwind of energy and hope, delivering the unwavering message that we will not only secure our existence, but fix the economy, restore the environment, and bend technology to our ends rather than become subservient to it. We will resolve the fratricidal conflicts of our age, and at the eleventh hour, we will save the world from disaster.
It may seem a fantastical and naïve approach to claim that we will fix the world when we are still so deep in the wilderness, lacking the power or resources to implement any policies in our favor. Yet if our people are wracked by huge doubts, and if their waking nightmares are so terrifying, half-measures are useless. We must take a defibrillator to the heart of our people. Whiteness has been the organizing principle and engine of history for millennia, and it is not we who are the ones who are attempting the impossible by wanting to return to this state of affairs. It is rather our opponents who are doomed to failure by trying to remake the world without us.
The ingenious strategy of European evolution has always depended on the explosive imagination of a few heroic individuals, and it is time for us to accept this mantle of responsibility once again. If our people cannot envisage a future for themselves, it is time for us to articulate one for them to believe in. In a world of rack and ruin, where all seems lost, we must be the lighthouse, the shining beacon, guiding our people home and out of their deep despair in the age of apocalypses.”