In a blaze of self-righteous indignation, a group of prominent UK women, musicians like Paloma Faith and Charlotte Church, MPs like Diane Abbott and Zarah Sultana, and various campaigners, have penned an open letter titled Women Against the Far Right, published in The Guardian on September 2, 2025. The letter condemns Right-wing politicians, notably Nigel Farage and Robert Jenrick, for linking immigration to sexual violence, accusing them of exploiting women's safety to "fuel hate and division." The signatories, coordinated by Stand Up to Racism, assert that "there is no evidence that people seeking refuge are more likely to commit acts of sexual violence" and argue that such claims distract from addressing the "deep-rooted causes of abuse." While their call for unity against racism is noble on its face, the letter's selective outrage raises a glaring question: where were these righteous feminists when grooming gangs were systematically raping British children, often with impunity? Their silence then, contrasted with their vocal defence of migrants now, suggests a troubling double standard, one that adopts political correctness over the protection of vulnerable girls.
The Grooming Gang Scandal: A National Disgrace Ignored
The UK's grooming gang scandals, particularly those uncovered in cities like Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford, represent one of the most horrific failures of public institutions in modern British history. Between the 1990s and 2010s, thousands of young, predominantly white working-class girls were sexually exploited, raped, and trafficked by organised gangs, many of whose members were of Pakistani and South Asian descent. A 2014 report by Professor Alexis Jay estimated that at least 1,400 children were abused in Rotherham alone between 1997 and 2013, with local authorities and police failing to act due to fears of being labelled racist. Similar patterns emerged in Rochdale, where 47 girls were identified as victims in a 2012 case, and in Telford, where a 2018 inquiry suggested up to 1,000 victims over decades. These were not isolated incidents, but systemic failures, enabled by a culture of denial and political cowardice.Some say the grooming gangs continue to operate.
Where were the signatories of Women Against the Far Right during these years of horror? While the letter proudly declares that "sexual violence is endemic across society and far too often ignored by those in power," it conveniently sidesteps the fact that those in power, including Labour-led councils in Rotherham and Rochdale, did indeed ignore the rape of vulnerable girls, often because the perpetrators belonged to ethnic-racial minorities. The 2014 Jay Report explicitly noted that "several staff described their nervousness about identifying the ethnic origins of perpetrators for fear of being thought racist." Yet, the letter's signatories, many of whom are Labour MPs or Left-leaning activists, offer no reflection on their party's complicity in this neglect. Instead, they focus their ire on Farage and Jenrick, whose claims, are rooted in real concerns about crime and cultural integration, concerns that resonate with communities scarred by these scandals.
The Letter's Selective Evidence and Moral Posturing
The Women Against the Far Right letter asserts that "there is no evidence" linking asylum seekers to higher rates of sexual violence, citing the fact that many refugees are themselves victims of persecution. This is a half-truth. While it's accurate that refugees are often fleeing violence, the letter ignores data that complicates its narrative. For example, a 2023 Home Office report indicated that foreign nationals, while underrepresented in overall prison populations (12% compared to 16% of the population born overseas), accounted for a disproportionate share of convictions for certain violent crimes, including sexual offenses, in specific regions. In London, the Metropolitan Police's 2024 crime statistics showed that 38% of arrests for sexual offenses involved foreign nationals, despite their smaller demographic share. These figures, while not conclusive evidence of a causal link between immigration and sexual violence, suggest that dismissing the issue outright as "racist lies" oversimplifies a complex reality.
Moreover, the letter's claim that far-Right protests do "nothing to make women safer," rings hollow when public services for victims of sexual violence have been gutted, as the signatories themselves note. A 2025 Women's Aid report highlighted that funding for domestic abuse shelters has been cut by 25% since 2010, leaving many survivors without support. Yet, the letter devotes more energy to defending migrants than to demanding accountability for these systemic failures or addressing the cultural factors, such as misogynistic attitudes in certain communities, that enable abuse. By framing the issue as solely a matter of far-Right racism, the signatories sidestep the uncomfortable truth that sexual violence, including grooming gang activity, often involves perpetrators from diverse backgrounds, including both native-born and immigrant communities.
The Hypocrisy of "Protecting Women and Girls"
The letter's most egregious omission is its failure to acknowledge the victims of grooming gangs, whose suffering was exacerbated by the very political correctness the signatories now champion. In Rotherham, survivors reported being dismissed by authorities who feared "stirring up racial tensions." A 2015 BBC investigation quoted a social worker who said, "We were told not to mention the Asian element because it would be seen as racist." This culture of silence allowed predators to operate unchecked, with devastating consequences for thousands of girls. Yet, the Women Against the Far Right letter makes no mention of these victims, nor does it call for justice for them. Instead, it prioritises protecting the image of asylum seekers over addressing the systemic failures that enabled such crimes.
The signatories' selective outrage is further exposed by their criticism of protests outside asylum accommodations, such as the Bell Hotel in Epping, where demonstrations followed the arrest of an Ethiopian asylum seeker accused of sexually assaulting a 14-year-old girl. While the letter correctly notes that the accused, Hadush Kebatu, denies the charges, it fails to address the legitimate fears of local communities, particularly women and parents, who feel unsafe amid rising crime rates. A 2025 YouGov poll found that 54% of UK women feel less safe walking alone at night compared to a decade ago, a sentiment that cannot be dismissed as mere "far-Right" agitation. By labelling these concerns as racist, the signatories alienate the very women they claim to represent, driving a wedge between feminist ideals and the lived realities of vulnerable communities.
The Far-Right Bogeyman and the Real Culprits
The letter's focus on the "far Right" as the primary threat to women's safety is a convenient distraction from broader failures. It references a Guardian report that two in five individuals arrested during 2024's far-Right riots had histories of domestic abuse, implying that the far Right's concern for women's safety is hypocritical. Yet, this statistic cuts both ways: it underscores that sexual and domestic violence are pervasive across all communities, including those the letter seeks to defend. The grooming gang scandals, for instance, were not perpetrated by far-Right activists, but by organised racial networks that exploited institutional inaction. Blaming the far Right for "exploiting" these issues ignores the fact that their rhetoric gains traction precisely because authorities have failed to address the legitimate issue of the mass rape of white children by a non-white group. Reverse the story, with white males grooming coloured children, and rightly, the establishment would go berserk. But in the UK, under tow-tiered justice, white lives DON'T matter.
Nigel Farage's claim that 40% of sexual assaults in London are committed by foreign nationals may be overstated, as Office for National Statistics data disputes the exact figure. However, the underlying concern, that cultural differences and lax integration policies may contribute to crime, cannot be wholly dismissed. A 2024 study by the Centre for Migration Control noted that certain migrant groups, particularly from regions with patriarchal norms, have higher incarceration rates for violent crimes, though the data is inconclusive on causation. Rather than engaging with these complexities, the letter opts for moral grandstanding, accusing Farage and Jenrick of "spreading misinformation" without offering a substantive counterargument.
Violence against women and girls is indeed a "serious and urgent issue," as the letter states, but solving it requires more than performative letters and selective outrage. The signatories of Women Against the Far Right are right to call for addressing the root causes of abuse, but they fail to acknowledge that these causes include institutional failures, cultural attitudes, and, yes, mostly challenges posed by unvetted migration. The grooming gang scandals exposed a toxic mix of misogyny, misguided multiculturalism, cultural insensitivity, and bureaucratic cowardice, issues that demand introspection, not deflection.
Where were these prominent women when Rotherham's girls were crying out for help? Where were their open letters demanding accountability from councils and police who turned a blind eye, and police who were rapists themselves (see below extract)? The silence of these self-proclaimed defenders of women during those dark years speaks volumes. It's easy to rally against the far Right; it's far harder to confront the uncomfortable truths about systemic failures and cultural and racial clashes that enable abuse. If these feminists truly want to protect women and girls, they must prioritise victims over ideology, justice over political correctness, and truth over narrative. Until then, their righteous indignation rings hollow, leaving the most vulnerable to bear the cost of their selective Leftist activism and moral posturing.
https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2025/sep/02/women-stop-linking-asylum-seekers-sexual-abuse
"A senior police officer from Bonn has blown the whistle on what he describes as a glaring gap between the reality of crime on German streets and what appears in official statistics.
His testimony was published in a commentary by political editor Till-Reimer Stoldt in Die Welt. The officer, given the pseudonym "Bernd," has worked on the police force for 30 years.
In a lengthy conversation with Stoldt, he said crime had become "much more migrant-oriented" since 2015, but this was barely visible in either police reports or the media. "They mostly only talk about 'men,'" he explained, adding that the omission "really worries" him and his colleagues.
According to the Welt piece, Bernd described cases of sexual assault at concerts and in swimming pools, and brutal incidents of street violence, where "the perpetrators were always foreigners." Yet their nationality, he said, was almost never made public. "Something isn't right. And many of my colleagues share this feeling," he told Stoldt.
The article draws attention to official crime figures that seem at odds with frontline perceptions. Police crime statistics (PKS) for 2024 showed 35.4 percent of all suspects nationwide (excluding immigration offenses) were foreigners, who also made up nearly 40 percent of violent crime suspects. That is despite foreign-born individuals comprising 16 percent of the population. But Bernd argued that these numbers still understate the issue, because suspects with dual nationality are almost always recorded only as "German."
He explained how police are required to fill out two nationality fields when processing suspects. Yet only the first nationality appears in state and federal statistics.
In some cases, these were guys who spoke Arabic to each other the whole time. The only thing they said in German was 'sh***y German' – to me. Initially, I noted the non-German nationality in the first field," Bernd recalled, "but these files were immediately returned – along with a note from my superior telling me to enter 'German' as the first nationality so that it would appear in the statistics. I was speechless… I'm supposed to register them as Germans? That makes me feel like a liar!"
The interior ministry has confirmed that in 2024, one in six suspects with a German passport also held a second passport. Given that dual nationals account for less than 10 percent of the population, this suggests a disproportionate representation in crime.
The commentary also highlights the effect on morale within the police force. "Younger colleagues in particular are sometimes afraid to talk about foreign perpetrators," Bernd said. Offenders, he added, exploit this hesitation by playing the "racism card" when confronted. He described one altercation with a young man who spat on the ground and hissed "racist" after being reprimanded.
In response to such concerns, North Rhine-Westphalia's Interior Minister Herbert Reul (CDU) has announced that, from now on, all nationalities of suspects will be counted and published in the state's statistics. "The proportion of non-German suspects will therefore increase there. That makes sense," Stoldt wrote. "If a group of perpetrators appears disproportionately often, there is a problem. But you can only solve what is identified as a problem."
The Greens and SPD have accused Reul of "stirring up resentment" and racism with the policy change, but Stoldt insists that this underestimates the public. "The people are not that slow-witted," he wrote. "Most foreigners are, of course, not criminals. Of 14.1 million, around 913,000 were suspected of crimes in 2024. Why should the public be too slow to recognize that the overwhelming majority of foreigners are not criminals — even if they disproportionately often commit crimes?"
The commentary concludes by urging trust in both the public and the police. Police chaplains, Stoldt noted, have confirmed that officers are trained to distinguish between a criminal minority and the law-abiding majority. "Perhaps the SPD and the Greens now just need to learn to trust the police and the citizens a little more," he wrote."