President Trump is right: more White people are killed by police than Black people. Sure, there are more Whites in the population, but so what? The point is that there is no conspiracy to shoot every Black person on sight, which is what one would think from the BLM freak-out.
https://www.breitbart.com/crime/2020/07/14/fact-check-police-do-kill-more-white-people-but-theres-more-to-the-story/
“On Tuesday, CBS News released an interview with President Donald Trump in which Catherine Herridge asked a provocative question — a version of the “systemic racism” question that journalists cannot seem to stop asking: Herridge: Let’s talk about George Floyd. You said George Floyd’s death is a terrible thing. Trump: Terrible. Herridge: Why are African Americans still dying at the hands of law enforcement in this country? Trump: And so are white people. So are white people. What a terrible question to ask. So are white people. More white people, by the way. More white people. The president is correct: more white people are shot by police than black people. In a writeup by Grace Segers, CBS News acknowledged that fact, but then suggested the president was wrong anyway, because there are more white people. Other data, CBS claimed, show “Black Americans are more likely to die at the hands of law enforcement than White people.” But the analysis does not end there, as Scott Adams observed last month (describing an analytical “funnel” on the issue). The problem might be that black Americans encounter police more often. After all, Harvard economist Roland Fryer Jr. — who happens to be African American — found in 2016 that police are more likely to shoot white suspects than black suspects, if there is any racial bias in such shootings. (He recently updated that finding.)
Even then, however, there is more to the story. Fryer also found that aside from shootings, police are more likely to mistreat black and Latino suspects in non-lethal ways. And last month, he wrote in the Wall Street Journal that even when black and Latino suspects did not resist arrest — a common feature in many controversial cases — “Black civilians who were recorded as compliant by police were 21% more likely to suffer police aggression than compliant whites” (emphasis added). Fryer also updated his 2016 research to note that there appeared to be no racial bias in police shootings. That is good news, but it does not resolve the question of racial bias in law enforcement. While more white people are shot, that may simply be because there are more white Americans. And while a disproportionate number of black people are shot, that may be because they encounter police more often. And we do not know whether that is because black people commit more crimes, or because of racial bias by police. We simply do not know enough. What we do know is that the number of unarmed black Americans shot by police is very small, falling to single digits last year. That is good news. The only other thing that seems evident is what Trump told Herridge: “What a terrible question to ask.” On a sensitive topic where data serve to confuse rather than clarify, questions that presume bad faith create more heat than light.”
It is probably correct that there are more killings of Whites than Blacks, as there are more Whites. However, Blacks commit a disproportionate amount of crime as well, so it all comes out in the wash, so to speak:
https://www.amren.com/archives/reports/the-color-of-crime-2016-revised-edition/
o “The evidence suggests that if there is police racial bias in arrests it is negligible. Victim and witness surveys show that police arrest violent criminals in close proportion to the rates at which criminals of different races commit violent crimes.
o There are dramatic race differences in crime rates. Asians have the lowest rates, followed by whites, and then Hispanics. Blacks have notably high crime rates. This pattern holds true for virtually all crime categories and for virtually all age groups.
o In 2013, a black was six times more likely than a non-black to commit murder, and 12 times more likely to murder someone of another race than to be murdered by someone of another race.
o In 2013, of the approximately 660,000 crimes of interracial violence that involved blacks and whites, blacks were the perpetrators 85 percent of the time. This meant a black person was 27 times more likely to attack a white person than vice versa. A Hispanic was eight times more likely to attack a white person than vice versa.
o In 2014 in New York City, a black was 31 times more likely than a white to be arrested for murder, and a Hispanic was 12.4 times more likely. For the crime of “shooting” — defined as firing a bullet that hits someone — a black was 98.4 times more likely than a white to be arrested, and a Hispanic was 23.6 times more likely.
o If New York City were all white, the murder rate would drop by 91 percent, the robbery rate by 81 percent, and the shootings rate by 97 percent.
o In an all-white Chicago, murder would decline 90 percent, rape by 81 percent, and robbery by 90 percent.
o In 2015, a black person was 2.45 times more likely than a white person to be shot and killed by the police. A Hispanic person was 1.21 times more likely. These figures are well within what would be expected given race differences in crime rates and likelihood to resist arrest.
o In 2015, police killings of blacks accounted for approximately 4 percent of homicides of blacks. Police killings of unarmed blacks accounted for approximately 0.6 percent of homicides of blacks. The overwhelming majority of black homicide victims (93 percent from 1980 to 2008) were killed by blacks.
o Both violent and non-violent crime has been declining in the United States since a high in 1993. 2015 saw a disturbing rise in murder in major American cities that some observers associated with “depolicing” in response to intense media and public scrutiny of police activity.
The past two years have seen unprecedented concern about racial bias in law enforcement. Deaths of young black men at the hands of the police led to serious rioting in Ferguson, Missouri, and in Baltimore. These and other deaths gave rise to the Black Lives Matter movement, which has carried out hundreds of demonstrations across the country and even in Canada. It is widely assumed that the police and the courts are strongly biased — certainly against blacks, and probably against Hispanics.
This problem cannot be fully understood by concentrating on a few cases, no matter how disturbing they may first appear. There were an estimated 11,300,000 arrests in the United States in 2013, the overwhelming majority of which were carried out properly. It is only in a larger context that we can draw conclusions about systemic police bias or misbehavior. This larger context is characterized by two fundamental factors. The first is that different racial groups commit crime at strikingly different rates, and have done so for many years. The second is that crime, overall, has declined dramatically over the last 20 years. Only after considering these points is it possible to draw well-founded conclusions about police bias.
In 2005, the New Century Foundation published “The Color of Crime,” a study of the relationship between crime, race, and ethnicity in the United States. The study was based on published government statistics and found that blacks were seven times more likely to commit murder and eight times more likely to commit robbery than people of other races, while Asians had consistently low crime rates. Hispanics appeared to be committing violent crime at roughly three times the white rate, but this conclusion was tentative because official statistics often failed to distinguish between whites and Hispanics.
The 2005 study also found that blacks were seven times more likely than whites to be in prison and Hispanics were three times more likely. It also concluded that high black arrest and imprisonment rates — often cited as evidence of a racist criminal justice system — were explained by the black share of offenders.”
If all of this is correct, it would explain why Blacks in the first place are in conflict with law enforcement officers. After all, George Floyd was not a gentle intellectual, carrying home a mass of library books, but instead, had his bowels full of a super-dangerous drug.