The Stark Naked Brief exposes a horror show: over 50 UK towns and cities, from Plymouth to Carlisle, have documented grooming gang cases, with over 500 convictions since 2007, though the abuse stretches back nearly five decades.
https://news.starknakedbrief.co.uk/p/the-short-and-tall-of-the-new-grooming
These weren't isolated creeps, they were organised networks, trafficking and brutalising mostly young, white, working-class girls, often from care homes or broken families. The report, built by GB News and Crime Spotlight UK's dogged researchers, maps names, convictions, and patterns, work the government should have done but didn't. In Rotherham alone, a 2014 report found 1,400 girls raped and trafficked between 1997 and 2013. One case saw Arshid Hussain, a convicted ringleader, stuff a girl in his car boot to "pay off" debts in London. Many of these monsters are now free, slinking back into the same communities they preyed on.
The numbers are sickening. West Yorkshire Police's 2009-2024 data, obtained via FOI by journalists Connor Tomlinson and Lewis Brackpool, show 7,100 child sexual exploitation (CSE) and grooming offences, with 7,121 victims and 5,508 suspects. Bradford led with 2,419 cases, but the charge rate was a pathetic 17.9%, over 80% of suspects faced no consequences. Worse, the ethnic breakdown screams what whistleblowers have said for years: Pakistani suspects (21.48% of 5,508, or 1,183) and other non-White British groups (over 55% total) were wildly overrepresented relative to their 26% population share, with Pakistani per capita rates at 507.7 per 100,000 vs. White British at 155.3. Yet, police hid 20% of suspect ethnicities as "Not Stated," and refused to split group-based CSE from lone-offender data, citing "too much work." It's a cover-up by another name.
This isn't just crime, it's a systemic failure. Police, councils, and social services ignored cries for help, often out of fear of "racism" accusations. Former officer John Piekos told GB News (April 2025) he was threatened with arrest in Bradford for presenting grooming evidence. Survivors, like a Rochdale victim quoted in The Telegraph (May 5, 2025), say they've faced "judgment" from authorities who called them "troublesome slags." Channel 4's Groomed: A National Scandal (May 2025) showed five women's stories, but survivors criticised it for "whitewashing" the ethnic angle, a nod to the same cowardice that canned a 2004 Bradford documentary over "racial tension" fears.
The UK's response, under both Labour and Tories, is a masterclass in spinelessness. Labour's Home Secretary Yvette Cooper promised a "rapid audit" by Baroness Louise Casey in January 2025, due in three months. It's May now and nothing. She also pledged £5 million for five local inquiries, starting with Oldham, but only one's confirmed, and councils now have to "bid" for funds, per Stark Naked Brief. Barrister Tom Crowther, tasked with developing inquiries, told MPs in April he was so ignored he asked the Home Office, "Do you still want me?" Labour MP Jess Phillips, Safeguarding Minister, dodged a meeting with Oldham Council, too busy for the victims of Pakistani rape gangs? Labour's Lucy Powell called grooming a "dog whistle" issue on BBC Radio 4, sparking survivor fury and resignation calls from Tories like Chris Philp, who branded it a "shocking outburst." This isn't governance, it's a deliberate dodge to shield Labour-run councils from scrutiny, as Kemi Badenoch charged in Parliament (April 30, 2025).
The Conservatives aren't saints either. They had 14 years in power and did squat beyond lip service. Badenoch's now demanding a national inquiry, but where was she when Tories were in charge? The 2014 Rotherham report exposed 1,400 victims, yet no national reckoning followed. Sentences are a joke, three Keighley groomers got 6.5-9 years, called "pathetically short" by MP Robbie Moore, now under appeal.
Police and councils have blood on their hands. South Yorkshire Police called Rotherham a "profound regret" but haven't faced accountability. In Blackpool, where 14-year-old Charlene Downes vanished in 2003 (likely murdered by groomers), no inquiry's been greenlit despite her mum's pleas. West Yorkshire Police's 20% "Not Stated" ethnicities and refusal to clarify group-based CSE smack of intentional obfuscation. Whistleblowers like Maggie Oliver, raising £100,000 for private prosecutions, are left to clean up the mess.
The real gut-punch is the victims, girls as young as 13, raped, trafficked, and sold, some still living in fear as predators like Mohammed Ali Sultan (Telford) get parole. A Rotherham survivor told Al Jazeera (April 5, 2025) she was "disposable" to both gangs and authorities. The 17.9% charge rate in West Yorkshire means most perpetrators walk free, while victims live in "their own prison," per a Bolton survivor. Labour's "we're investigating" mantra is a slap in their faces.
From a nationalist lens, this is a gut-wrenching betrayal of Britain's people, especially its working-class daughters. Nationalists champion sovereignty, identity, and protecting the vulnerable, but the UK's elite have sold out their own. These girls, mostly white and poor, were sacrificed on the altar of political correctness, their screams ignored to avoid "offending" communities. Authorities ignored complaints due to fears about racism. This isn't just negligence, it's cultural surrender, a refusal to defend Britain's values against predators who exploited its openness.
This isn't just a scandal, it's a national shame. Labour's stalling, Casey's audit AWOL, inquiries stuck in limbo, shows they'd rather bury the truth than face it. The Tories' 14-year inaction proves they're no better. Police and councils, cowed by "racism" fears, have let girls be trafficked like commodities, with an 82.1% non-charge rate in West Yorkshire spitting in victims' faces. Survivors are forced to relive trauma while predators walk free, and whistleblowers like Piekos face threats. Channel 4's half-hearted documentary is a bandage on a gaping wound. Britons are right to rage: this is Britain failing its own, abandoning its daughters to appease a broken system. The Stark Naked Brief database is a lifeline, but it's a disgrace that citizens, not the state, had to build it.
https://news.starknakedbrief.co.uk/p/the-short-and-tall-of-the-new-grooming
"While the Labour government continues to stall, delay, and obfuscate on r*pe/grooming gangs, behind-the-scenes independent journalists and grassroots researchers have been putting in the hard yards.
This week, after months of silence from officials, a team of investigators led by GB News and Crime Spotlight UK released what may be the most detailed public record of grooming/r*pe gang activity ever assembled.
The release follows a government promise made back in January.
Labour ministers commissioned Baroness Louise Casey to conduct a so-called "rapid audit" of grooming gang activity. It was due to be published within three months. We're now in May. And the public has heard little since.
Meanwhile, Crime Spotlight UK and its network of researchers spent thousands of hours combing through news archives, court records, and survivor testimony to meticulously map the scale of the scandal.
The new database confirms over 50 towns and cities with known group-based sexual exploitation cases. From 2007, there have been over 500 convictions. But, as we know, the abuse dates back nearly five decades.
From Plymouth to Carlisle, these networks trafficked and brutalised little white girls in every corner of the country. In some cases, they were transported hundreds of miles for pre-arranged exchanges.
Grooming gang trafficking links illustrated by Crime Spotlight UK.
In one notorious case, Arshid Hussain—one of the vile convicted ringleaders in Rotherham—stuffed a young girl in the boot of his car and drove her to London, where she was used to "pay off" his debts to three men.
Many of the men behind these crimes are now out of prison. Some have quietly reintegrated into the same communities where they once preyed on children.
The database includes names, convictions, maps, and patterns—a level of forensic clarity the government itself has never made available—neither under the Conservatives, nor Labour.
It also exposes vast regional blind spots: areas where grooming gang activity has been documented, but never publicly reported by mainstream outlets.
Despite the dossier's detail, however, Crime Spotlight UK hauntingly remarked on X yesterday:
"To reiterate, this is just the stuff we can share. We've heard testimony from police officers who say they've been threatened and silenced. We've read transcripts that have detail that really underlines the systemic failure. None of that we can share yet. But we will. And we're working with lawyers to bring as much of this to you as possible."
Some of these officers have since come out of the woodwork, with former officer John Piekos telling GB News last month that he was threatened with arrest in Bradford after he presented evidence of widespread grooming and trafficking.
Elsewhere, journalists Connor Tomlinson and Lewis Brackpool on Sunday shared new data obtained via FOI request from West Yorkshire Police that evidenced a key trend in the scandal.
The numbers are not subtle. They confirm, in precise terms, what many whistleblowers, survivors, and campaigners have said for over a decade—and what their critics have spent just as long denying.
Between 1 January 2009 and 31 December 2024, West Yorkshire Police recorded 7,100 child sexual exploitation and grooming offences across its five districts: Bradford, Calderdale, Kirklees, Leeds, and Wakefield.
The offences involved 7,121 victims and 5,508 named suspects, all related to Section 15 of the Sexual Offences Act 2003, which includes grooming and exploitation offences.
Bradford had the highest concentration of offences, with 2,419 cases—over one-third of the regional total. Leeds recorded 1,601; Kirklees, 1,547; Wakefield, 803; and Calderdale, 730.
The overall charge rate was just 17.9%, meaning more than 80% of identified suspects faced no formal legal consequence.
What stood out most, however, was the demographic breakdown of suspects.
Despite making up just 16% of the population across West Yorkshire (that's including women and children), individuals identifying as Asian or Asian British accounted for a disproportionate share of suspects.
Ethnic Pakistani individuals alone made up 21.48% (1,183) of all named suspects, or, 507.7 suspects per 100,000 people in West Yorkshire.
Asian Bangladeshi suspects accounted for just 0.89% of the total, but their per capita rate was also high, at 408.3 per 100,000.
"Other" ethnicities (including Arab, Middle Eastern, Latin American, etc.) showed the highest per capita rate in the dataset at 530 suspects per 100,000 people.
In contrast, White British suspects—who make up 74.4% of the population of England and Wales—represented just 44.54% of suspects, with the lowest per capita offending rate at 155.3 per 100,000.
Curiously, West Yorkshire authorities do not provide breakdowns for the demographics of White British except for Bradford.
Black African and Caribbean suspects comprised 1.83% of all suspects but had the third highest per capita rate at 459.1 per 100,000.
In raw terms: non–White British suspects accounted for over 55% of all grooming and CSE (child sexual exploitation) suspects, while making up only 26% of the national population.
To make matters worse, West Yorkshire police has once again limited public understanding.
Nearly 20% of suspects (1,070 total) were logged as "Not Stated" or "Not Recorded" in the ethnicity category—meaning the full demographic scope may be even more skewed than reported.
When factoring in these "unknowns," the maximum possible share of Asian suspects could be 42.73%—a rate 2 to 4 times their share of the population.
West Yorkshire Police also refused to clearly define group-based sexual exploitation from lone-offender CSE data—despite the FOI request specifically asking them to do so.
The distinction matters. Group-based CSE—commonly associated with r*pe/grooming gangs—has a demonstrably different ethnic pattern than lone-offender abuse.
Yet the force declined to provide the number of identified group-based CSE, citing Section 12 of the FOI Act, which allows them to block requests if they estimate that completing said request takes longer than 18 hours.
With that, another myth may be falling apart.
Certain ethnic minorities aren't just overrepresented in group-based child sexual exploitation (r*pe/grooming gangs)—they may also be overrepresented in lone-offender CSE in many areas, on a per capita basis.
To West Yorkshire Police's small credit, they're one of the only forces to release this level of data to date—something you'd have thought would be routine.
Four days ago, Channel 4 also aired a new documentary, 'Groomed: A National Scandal', telling the stories of five young women who survived horrific abuse spanning two decades.
Some survivors criticised the programme for "whitewashing" parts of the scandal—while others, including whistleblowers, praised them for finally addressing it.
This was the same channel that in 2004 canned a documentary last minute about a grooming gang in Bradford after local police warned the programme could inflame racial tension in the city.
So we're at least making some progress.
In all honesty, both sides have fair points. Channel 4 deserves credit for confronting the issue—but it's also fair to criticise them for going soft on certain aspects.
Constructive criticism from survivors, whistleblowers, and commentators alike could pave the way for stronger, more honest filmmaking in the future after all.
One thing the documentary did do well to highlight was that this abuse isn't a just thing of a past. It's still happening, now, behind closed doors.
It's a reality that even many who care deeply about the issue often lose sight of. They covered this towards the end of the documentary."